, 1, 341; the same tone is evident in Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Chronique, vol.4, p.118

C. Chastellain and I. I. Book, Monstrelet, vol.II, pp.399-400

D. Edmond-de, Chronica ducum Lotharingiae et Brabantiae, vol.3, pp.236-237

T. Basin, Les Belles Lettres, vol.21, p.276, 1944.

. See-marilyn-nicoud, Expérience de la maladie et échange épistolaire. Les derniers moments de Bianca Maria Visconti (mai-octobre 1468), Moyen Âge, pp.311-458, 2000.

B. Corio and . Storia-di-milano, For the case of the Parlement de Paris, see Louis de Carbonnières, La procédure devant la chambre criminelle du parlement de, Le milieu médical en France du XII e au XV e siècles, vol.3, pp.223-230, 1981.

K. Park, The Judge, the Doctor and the Poisoner: Medical Expertise in Manosquin Judicial Rituals at the End of the 14th Century, Les frontières des savoirs en Italie à l'époque des premières universités (XIIIe-XVe siècles), vol.47, pp.233-293, 1994.

, 1349 (stylus novus): "regarding the suspicion of having previously poisoned his wife because he wanted to marry the widow of Drouynet Buiron afterwards; his wife died from the poisoning, as became known to the lieutenant" ("sur le soupçon d'avoir empoisonné jadis sa femme parce qu'il voulait, après la mort de celle-ci, se marier avec la femme de feu Drouynet Buiron; de cet empoisonnement, vol.2, 1186.

. Chiffoleau, D. See, J. Barthélémy, and . Chiffoleau, Histoire et clandestinité du Moyen Age à la première guerre mondiale, pp.19-39, 1979.

J. Nelson and . La-mort-de-charles-le-chauve, Médiévales, vol.31, pp.53-66, 1996.

, Vita Sturmii, RHGF, vol.5, p.448

H. Vital and . Ecclesiastica, , vol.II, p.74

, Perfidus physicus ou inexpertus medicus. Le cas Jean de Grandville, médecin du comte Amédée VII de Savoie, A significant part of the legal documentation for this very rich affair was assembled as supporting documents by Giovanni Carbonelli, pp.133-149, 2004.

J. Volterra, R. Diarium-romanum, and . Di-castello, , p.123, 1904.

P. Carrarius, Vieillesse et vieillissement vus par les médecins du Moyen Age, Bulletin du centre d'histoire économique et sociale de la région lyonnaise, vol.4, pp.5-22, 1983.

. Jacquart, Le difficile pronostic

N. Ohler and . Sterben-und-tod-im-mittelalter, dedicates chapter VI to premature death without presenting any reflections on how it was perceived, 1990.

Z. Pierre-de, , p.351

C. Froissart, 1874), 61, deems the duke's death unexpected and sudden but without drawing any conclusions about its causes, the SHF, VII, pp.1328-1388

. Clément-de-fauquembergue, Journal, vol.2, p.32, 1910.

S. G. Hayer, Du guoter tôt, Krankheit, Sterben und Tod eines Fürsten. Eine Augenzeugenbericht über die letzten Lebenstage Herzog Albrechts VI. von Österreich, pp.31-50, 1998.

C. Chastellain, The moment of mors fatalis is determined according to the position of stars at birth: see Giovanni Balbi, Catholicon (Mayence, 1460, identical reprint in 1971)

. Cited, Alter und Todesfurch

, Vincent de Beauvais enumerates them in Speculum naturale (Douai, 1624), book XXIV, ch. 54: these included good humor and corpulence

N. William-of, Historia rerum anglicarum

C. Paris and . Majora, Ou moys d'avril avant Pasques l'an IIII c XX et deux, le roy d'Angleterre fut frappé d'une appoplecie [apoplexie] dont il mourut sans parler

, it's useful for a physician to suspect poisoning upon observing that the patient's condition does not improve despite the administration of the appropriate, logically-chosen remedies" ("il est utile au médecin de soupçonner un empoisonnement lorsqu'il voit que l'état du malade ne s'améliore pas malgré l'administration de remèdes appropriés, vol.100, p.1562

P. Bonenfant and P. Le-bon, , p.47, 1996.

C. Jean-de-roye and . Scandaleuse, expected by all physicians to have a long life, vol.2, p.1896

, Glauco Maria Cantarella and Francesco Santi, (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo, I re nudi. Congiure, assassini, tracolli e altri imprevisti nella storia del potere, vol.3, p.112, 1994.

T. Girolamo-della, De venenis eorumque natura et remediis, Vatican, BAV, ms. Barb. lat. 229, 26v, ch. on the signs making it possible to know that an individual's death was the result of poisoning

, which had caused him so much swelling that one would say he had been poisoned, vol.2, pp.28127-28135

, Bulletin philologique et historique, vol.2, pp.665-722, 1968.

, French national archives, X 2 a 18, p.11

C. Muisit, the body was opened, as it were, and his heart covered with a shroud; but a dog that licked this cloth died immediately; also, a friend of said king ate from a dish from which the king had eaten and died right away; it's because of this that many were suspicious" (" corps fut ouvert, comme il se disait, et son coeur recouvert d'un linceul; mais un chien qui lécha ce linge mourut aussitôt; il se trouve aussi qu'un familier du dit roi mangea d'un plat dont le roi avait mangé et mourut sur le champ, vol.91

&. Hayer, . Krankheit, . Sterben, and . Tod, , p.48

, some say that he was administered a poison that hit and killed him" ("certains disent qu'un poison lui fut administré, dont il fut atteint et mourut"), vol.3, p.1897

, 94: "and was interred very quickly. And the people said he had been poisoned, and likewise the king was highly suspicious, Chronique anonyme des rois de France finissant en 1286, excerpts, RHGF, vol.21

C. Chastellain, , p.341

G. Carbonelli, . Ultimi-giorni,-252;-franck, and . Collard, Jacobita secundus Judas. L'honneur perdu des Prêcheurs après la mort d'Henri VII, Religions et mentalités au Moyen Age, pp.221-235, 2003.

&. Hayer, . Krankheit, . Sterben, and . Tod,

P. De and V. , Et ainsy apert les grant dangiers? qui adviengne a corps humains plus en une année que en une aultre, vol.3, 1932.

, 55-59: sermon on Luke 7:11 by a preacher from the Black Forest interested in the four dimensions of death; Patrick Geary, The author recalls the words of Saint Augustine: non potest male mori qui bene vixerit, pp.9-19, 1995.

. Hack, . Alter, and T. Krankheit, , pp.102-111

G. M. Varanini, Strategie di comunicazione intorno al cadaver, Cangrande Della Scala. La Morte e il corredo funebre di un principe nel medioevo, pp.11-21, 2004.

C. De-pizan, Livre des fais et bonnes moeurs du sage, p.141, 1997.

T. Walsingham, , vol.1, pp.340-341

C. Zantfliet, E. Chronique, . Martène, and . Durand, Veterum scriptorum? amplissima collectio, pp.288-289

, And likewise the said duke of Anjou laid his brother the king of France into the ground beneath the grass?, vol.314, 1906.

. Green, Masculinity and Medicine

C. Monstrelet, , p.393

M. Fénin, , p.56

G. and E. Lecuppre, Trahison et échec militaire: le cas Pierre de la Broce (1278), Presses universitaires de Rennes), pp.185-195, 2009.

C. Escouchy and . Ii, he [Charles VIII] was told another reason to be angered with the aforementioned Coeur? he was told that Jacques Coeur had poisoned the said Demoiselle, or had her poisoned, which had led her from life into death" ("encore lui fut dite une autre raison pour le [Charles VII] plus enflammer contre ledit Coeur? lui fut dit que Jacques Coeur avait empoisonné ou fait empoisonner la dite Demoiselle, vol.284

H. Basin, . Karoli-septimi, and . Ii, very real charges made by envious people? The only thing that inflamed the king against the financier was that the very nasty informers had whispered into the royal ears that the beautiful Agnès had been poisoned" ("charges constituées par des envieux plus que réelles? La seule chose qui enflammait le roi contre l'argentier était que des délateurs très méchants avaient sussuré aux oreilles royales que la dite belle Agnès avait été empoisonnée, vol.287

T. Schäfer and . Tod, , p.443

. Fauquembergue, Journal, I, p.32

C. Chastellain, , vol.II, p.82

M. Commynes, Appeal published in Preuves des mémoires de Philippe de Comines, vol.257, pp.199-200

. Marquis-de-godefroy-ménilglaise-;-mahaut and . Comtesse-d'artois, it was established solemnly before the pope that the emperor Henri VII had not been poisoned but had succumbed to a tumor or anthrax. Jean de Saint-Victor, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale, vol.28, pp.64-65, 1864.

, 39-40: the sons, brothers to the emperor Henry VII and the prelates of Milan, Göttingen, 1895)

X. I. Grégoire, Lettres secrètes relatives à la France, p.1098, 1935.

J. Fauquembergue and I. , 32: decree of the royal procurer against the duke of Burgundy's libelles, which were ripped up in public on

C. Chastellain and . Iii, so that his death not be attributed to human wrongdoing but only to nature being corrupted by a pestilential air" ("adfin que l'on n'attribuast sa mort a mauvaisté d'homme mais tant seulement a oeuvre de nature corrompue de mauvais aer, vol.386

. Varanini, The author is not referring to the exhibition of the cadaver but rather the strategy of retaining information about the death of the lord of Verona

. Evans, Death of kings, p.127

P. Argelata, Chirurgiae libri sex (Bologne, 1520), book V, treatise 12, p.102

C. Dynter, . Ducum-lotharingiae, . Et-brabantiae, and . Iii, , pp.497-505

, Master Guillaume Cousinot's response to Jean Petit

. Isidore-of-seville, Etymologiarum libri XX

, Based on the Arab chroniclers assembled in the Recueil des historiens des croisades from the nineteenth century, it seems that here natural pathological explanations played a more significant role, and this may be attributed to the more advanced medicalization of Islamic society

, 25: he speaks of venomous creatures: "there were deaths and numerous infirmities and, unfortunately, suspicions against of honest and trustworthy people, and what was worse was that such cruel deaths were imputed to these innocent people" ("il s'ensuit mort ou autres infirmités multiples et hélas des suspicions contre des gens honnête et dignes de foi, et, chose plus grave encore

C. Froissart, , pp.83-84

, The title of Emilio Mitre Fernández's book, Fantasmas de la sociedad medieval: enfermedad, peste, muerte (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 2004) evokes fantasms, though he fails to study the fantasms of suspicion

C. Escouchy, , p.114

. Nonetheless, Death at court does not consider the question at hand

C. Chastellain, , vol.II, p.72

, See Jacques Krynen's reflections on this subject in "Naturel. Essai sur l'argument de la nature dans la pensée politique française à la fin du Moyen Age, Journal des Savants, vol.2, pp.169-190, 1982.

T. Schäfer and . Tod, Conclusion, attributes these developments to the plague and the great schism